The roundtable “Lessons from Swiss Neutrality: Trustbuilding and Dialogue in the Western Balkans” explored how Switzerland’s experience in neutrality can inform peacebuilding and reconciliation in the region.

Switzerland’s long-standing tradition of neutrality has shaped its global role in diplomacy, mediation, and peacebuilding. This roundtable examined how the core principles of Swiss neutrality – credibility, discretion, and inclusivity – can support reconciliation and institution-building efforts in the Western Balkans. Participants discussed how neutrality, as both a value and operational practice, can help build trust, facilitate dialogue, and strengthen resilience in divided societies.

The session also considered how adaptable the Swiss model is to the current political and social realities of the region. Key questions included: What makes Swiss neutrality a credible and sustainable peacebuilding model? How can its principles be applied to Western Balkan dynamics? What lessons from Switzerland’s mediation and “good offices” can support regional dialogue? Where are the limits of neutrality in deeply polarized environments, and how can they be managed? And how can neutral facilitation contribute to rebuilding trust and strengthening institutional resilience across the region?

Jean-Daniel Ruch, former Ambassador of Switzerland to Serbia, spoke about the Swiss model of neutrality and its foundations. He emphasized that neutrality is not the same as non-alignment, but rather the outcome of specific historical circumstances faced by countries positioned between major powers. He highlighted the importance of neutrality being recognized by others and noted that Switzerland was fortunate to have its neutrality acknowledged more than 200 years ago.

Throughout the discussion, Ruch explored how Serbia could potentially integrate elements of the Swiss model. He pointed to student protests as an example of direct diplomacy in action. He also noted that Serbia’s position, situated between four major powers, could be leveraged as a strategic advantage—but doing so requires flexibility and significant resource investment. One remark that drew particular attention was his suggestion that the next Trump-Putin meeting could be held at Sava Centar.

Alexandra Matas, Director of the International Security Dialogue Department at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy, stressed that today’s polarized world urgently needs “bridgemakers.” She emphasized that neutrality is not passivity; on the contrary, successful neutrality requires proactive engagement. Neutral countries act as facilitators, maintain backchannel communications, and do whatever is necessary to keep dialogue alive. Addressing audience questions, she highlighted the distinction between mediation, negotiation, and dialogue facilitation. She also sparked debate by suggesting that Serbia could potentially pursue both neutrality and EU accession simultaneously.

Nicolas Ramseier, President and Co-Founder of the Geneva Center for Neutrality, discussed the prerequisites for successful neutrality. He highlighted the importance of internal stability, a strong reputation, and historical credibility. Ramseier suggested that Serbia could benefit more from being a partner to the EU rather than a full member, describing this approach as “not putting all your eggs in one basket.” He envisioned Serbia as a potential diplomatic powerhouse, equipped with the tools to achieve this if the government chooses that path. On the ethical dimensions of neutrality, he stressed the need for consistent criteria and prioritizing actions that benefit the broader international community.

Moderator Lejla Mazić concluded the session by emphasizing that neutrality is a social necessity. She argued that with sufficient resources, reputation, independence, political will, and support grounded in facts and history, neutrality could become a viable reality in the Balkans.

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In an audience-inclusive discussion moderated by the Advocacy Director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights – YUCOM, Jovana Spremo, panelists representing Montenegro, Serbia, and Bosnia & Herzegovina, discussed the common challenges faced by human rights defenders in the Western Balkans.

Panelists agreed that governments often set obstacles for civil society organisations and employed subversive tactics meant to make activists’ lives more difficult. Additionally, participants agreed that smear campaigns were a tool employed often by authorities to discredit organisations. “Having trust in those who are defending your rights” said Spremo, “is the first step”.

Dejan Lučka, Director of the Banjaluka Centre for Human Rights, opened by saying that “the most dangerous thing is not a single law but the atmosphere which the law makes, even when struck down”. Lučka focused on the fact that governments, both in Republika Srpska and in the wider region, engender the concept of civil society organisations as potentially dangerous and normalise the idea of such groups are foreign mercenaries and lobbies. “Defenders have had to become very creative just to keep working” he concluded. “At any time, you can get a lawsuit filed against you.”

More transparency, demanded Ivan Radulović, Program Coordinator for Human Rights & Justice at Civic Alliance Montenegro. “We do seem to be frontrunners” conceded Radulović, “but there are still many concerns”. He also added that cooperation between NGOs from different countries in the region often goes as smoothly as possible, and that the problem lays instead with the relationships between NGOs and governmental institutions. Frontrunners or not, Montenegro still has a way to go—even after it has joined the EU. “We actually focus on what happens on the day after,” he concluded, “we become a member state”.

“GONGO organisations have been spreading across Serbia as well as phantom organisations – organisations that only exist on paper” – this is a big problem in Serbia, according to Alma Mustajbašić, a Public Policy Researcher at Civic Initiatives. GONGOs simulate dialogue and support for the authorities, she added. When government funds and support go to GONGOs, what can CSOs even do? “What is left for real civil society organisations”, emphasises Mustajbašić, “is real work on the field and with the communities, because this is how citizens can actually recognise who is doing the work”.

“When you do not have trust, you do not have society”. This was the conclusion of Tamara Filipović Stevanović, Secretary General of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia. “The journalist community – real journalists – are human rights defenders”, Filipović Stevanović said, as opposed to journalists who only repeat after the government. Tamara also spoke on the threats and attacks made against Serbian journalists – whether the physical kind or the numerous spear campaigns that are published in matters of days, if not hours. “This is the worst year since 2008 for our journalists”, she said.

In the second part of the panel, panelists joined the audience in five smaller groups to discuss four different topics: security of human rights defenders, disinformation and smear campaigns, GONGOs and phantom organisations, and regional cooperation. Panelists and audiences agreed that solidarity and regional cooperation are very important, as is taking care of one’s own and each other’s mental health. “What is needed are media-literate people,” said Filipović Stevanović. “We should try to focus on initiatives that would gather youth and people from different countries from the Western Balkans,” added Radulović.

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One of the three parallel panels on the final day of the Belgrade Security Conference 2025, moderated by Majlinda Bregu, Chair of the Strategic Committee at Europe Plus (E+) and former Minister of European Integration of Albania, focused on the future of EU enlargement and the reforms needed to restore credibility to the process.

Despite their differing perspectives, the speakers agreed that enlargement remains both strategically essential and potentially transformative – but only if the EU accelerates its approach and strengthens support for genuine democratic and institutional change in the Western Balkans.

Tanja Miščević, Professor at the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and former Minister for European Integration, reflected on whether the traditional enlargement model has become too slow for today’s geopolitical realities and what a renewed approach should entail. She noted that the EU is currently exploring various proposals within the limits of its primary law, prioritising immediate measures that can deliver tangible results rather than reforms requiring treaty change. The introduction of gradual or accelerated integration tools – including the new Growth Plan – reflects this evolving mindset. Miščević argued that enlargement fatigue within the EU has produced reform fatigue in the region, making it essential to speed up the process. At the same time, she criticised the Growth Plan for lacking a clear connection to accession, stressing that economic convergence cannot substitute for political integration. For enlargement to succeed, she concluded, the process must become faster, more responsive, and more visibly tied to the goal of full membership.

Fatmir Besimi, Founder and CEO of Strategers and former Minister of Finance of North Macedonia, addressed concerns about the financial implications of Western Balkan membership by asking whether allocating an additional one percent of current EU GDP to the region – if it were to join today – would truly burden the Union. According to him, major reforms demand significant resources: money, time, institutional capacity, and political vision. Yet countries often undertake substantial reforms without seeing meaningful progress in accession talks. He illustrated the financial gap between candidate countries and member states by noting that IPA funds currently offer roughly €150 per capita, compared with structural and regional funds in new EU members, which reach around €3,000 per capita and increase annually. This, he emphasised, demonstrates the transformative power of full EU membership. Research consistently shows that economic convergence accelerates only after accession. The region, he argued, should not be viewed as a cost: a market of 20 million people is far from a burden, and strategically, the Western Balkans are integral to Europe’s future. The real challenge, he concluded, lies in the pace and consistency of reforms.

Agon Maliqi, Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Europe Center, argued that EU enlargement today functions primarily as a security project. He reminded the audience that the EU was originally created as a peace project that ensured stability across the continent for decades, yet over the last ten years EU policy toward the Western Balkans has resembled containment more than genuine integration. Now, after a decade of scepticism, a new momentum is emerging – a window of opportunity for those prepared to seize it. Maliqi noted that only around 40 percent of Western Balkan citizens are aware of the actual economic benefits of accession, underscoring the absence of strong domestic drivers for change. Reforms, he stressed, remain indispensable, but he identified Serbia as the decisive battleground where the EU risks losing the opportunity to form a new partnership with reform-oriented actors. Brussels, he argued, must engage more actively with those working toward democratic change rather than prioritising “stability” above all else.

Biljana Papović, State Secretary at the Ministry of European Affairs of Montenegro, emphasized that the enlargement process still carries substantial transformative power. She pointed out that Montenegro continues to register some of the highest public support for EU membership in the region, often between 70 and 80 percent, and that citizens expect and demand progress. Starting from a weak baseline in terms of economic indicators, financial stability, and administrative capacity, Montenegro has made notable advances. Still, Papović underlined that reforms cannot succeed without strong support from EU member states and a robust regional dimension. She highlighted initiatives such as SEPA and rule-of-law programmes, which bring direct, visible benefits to citizens. At the same time, she observed that regional initiatives often lack a clear link to the accession process, even though alignment with EU standards is costly and requires expert assistance and substantial financial backing from the Union. On mechanisms to safeguard standards after accession, she clarified that Montenegro does not oppose post-accession monitoring. However, restricting voting rights or offering anything less than full membership would be unjust if a country has fulfilled all required obligations.

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In partnership with the Balkan Center for Constructive Policies – Solution (North Macedonia) and the Embassy of Sweden, the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) is hosting the fourth edition of the BSC Leaders Meetings event that will take place on 12 March 2025 in Podgorica, Montenegro.

The BSC Leaders Meetings present a series of half-day events organised throughout the Western Balkans. They are part of the Belgrade Security Conference (BSC) – a high-level international policy event organised by the BCSP each year in the third week of November in Belgrade.

The BSC Leaders Meetings aim to gather policy-makers and experts who will discuss major foreign and security challenges facing the region, geopolitical events and trends affecting it and to assess the future of democratic reforms, regional cooperation and the place of the Western Balkans in global politics.

Panel discussion “Montenegro’s European Dream: A Success Story for the Region?”

In December 2024, Montenegro reached a significant milestone in its European Union membership negotiations by provisionally closing three negotiation chapters during the Intergovernmental Conference in Brussels. This signaled a renewed momentum in its EU integration process. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen described Montenegro’s ambition to become the EU’s 28th member by 2028 as achievable. Compared to other EU candidate countries, Montenegro’s small size and lack of major bilateral disputes with its neighbors position it as a clear frontrunner in the EU enlargement process. The aim of this high-level panel of the BSC Leaders Meetings is to take stock of the opportunities and obstacles standing between Montenegro and other Western Balkan countries’ EU membership. What are the remaining challenges Montenegro must address to be able to end the EU accession negotiations by 2028? What lessons can other Western Balkans countries take from Montenegro’s EU accession strategy? Could Montenegro’s progress catalyze renewed momentum in the EU integration of other Western Balkans nations? While 2025 promises to be a decisive year for EU enlargement, the question remains will the EU and its member states be ready to receive new members from 2028-2030?

Agenda

11:00 – 11:05 Opening remarks:

• Igor Bandović, Director of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy

11:05 – 12:05 Panel Discussion:

• Jessica Rosencrantz, Minister for EU Affairs of Sweden
• Todor Goranović, Adviser to the Prime Minister of Montenegro for Security and Defence
• Nikola Dimitrov, President and co-founder of the Balkan Center for Constructive Policies – Solucija, former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia
• Vanja Ćalović, Executive Director of MANS

Moderator: Igor Bandović, Director of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy

11:45 – 12:00 Q&A

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Under the title “Albania and the Western Balkans in the EU by 2030: Tackling the Obstacles Ahead”, the third in a series of BSC Leaders Meetings events took place in Tirana, Albania on Friday, May 17, 2024.

The panel discussion hosted distinguished speakers such as Edi Rama, Prime Minister of Albania, Prof. Dr. Daniela Schwarzer, Member of the Bertelsmann Stiftung Executive Board, Majlinda Bregu, Secretary General of the Regional Cooperation Council and Vessela Tcherneva, Deputy Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. Nikola Dimitrov, the president and co-founder of the Balkan Center for Constructive Policies – Solucija and former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia, moderated the discussion.

Srđan Cvijić, the president of the International Advisory Committee of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, made opening remarks by saying that the BSC Leaders Meetings are a place to discuss major foreign and security policy issues. “This one is dedicated to the momentous shift in the EU’s approach to enlargement and the palpable goal of having some, if not all countries of our region, in the EU by 2030. Regional cooperation is the key and that’s what we are doing here today.,“ Cvijić concluded.

Andi Dobrushi, the director of Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans, joined Cvijić in welcoming the participants and attendees of the event. He was looking forward to a fruitful discussion by sharing his belief that the BSC Leaders Meetings panel debate will help evaluate opportunities and challenges Albania is facing on its trajectory towards the EU.

When asked about his predictions on Albania’s EU membership by 2030., Edi Rama said that “this continent is in front of a very difficult democratic winter.” However, “there is much more openness for the EU enlargement and we have to do our part of the work. Albania will be inside the EU as integrated part of it without being members.“ Rama concluded that we have the control of the future, not the past. “We have to see the past with the eyes of the future, not the future with the eyes of the past,“ he explained.

“Both sides missed the opportunity to move forward and this is why there is skepticism regarding the EU integration in the region,“ Daniela Schwarzer from the Bertelsmann Stiftung Executive Board said. “We need a gradual approach to the EU integration. The European growth plan is good step forward but candidate countries should go through the rule of law transformation,” she explained and stressed that the mere fact of having QMV disciplines the EU member states to deal with the matter more seriously.

Secretary General of the Regional Cooperation Council Majlinda Bregu said that “Learning by doing is going to be the name of the game when it comes to the region entering the EU Single Market.” She also added that 54% of Balkan citizens believe they will enter the EU, however, in Serbia the support to the EU integration is only 35%. “We should hurry and prepare our countries for the EU membership, instead of waiting for the EU,“ Bregu explained.

While moderating the panel discussion. Nikola Dimitrov said that a success of one would become success for all. “We desperately need good news in the region,” he explained.

Vessela Tcherneva shared her thoughts by saying that when there is talk about qualified majority voting in enlargement, it is usually an excuse not to proceed with enlargement. “Albania has a very good chance to be a front runner if it wanted to. A lot of that will depend on their ambition,“ she added.

“Alignment with CFSP will not be an option any more,” stated Tcherneva while Bregu and Schwarzer agreed, adding that it is likely there will be no funding (including from the EU Growth Plan) if candidate countries don’t comply with RoL and EU CFSP.

The panel discussion was followed by an engaging Chatham House debate “Bilateral Disputes and EU Enlargement: A Consensual Divorce“ that was built upon the conclusions of the latest BCSP and Solucija policy brief of the same title.

Watch the full video from the event HERE.

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