In a discussion moderated by Vessela Tcherneva, Deputy Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, panelists examined the modernisation of green technology, its implications for Central and Eastern Europe, and the role China plays in the global clean-tech landscape.

Participants agreed that Europe – and especially the CEE region – urgently needs more investment, more realistic planning, and faster implementation of green technologies.

Julian Popov, former Minister of Environment and Waters of Bulgaria, emphasised the need to identify common ground between phasing out fossil fuels, increasing defence budgets, and maintaining the competitiveness of EU industries. “If we put these together and look at them separately,” Popov argued, “the budget does not work – we are running a ten per cent budget deficit, high inflation – it does not work.” He highlighted recent EU-level action, noting that “a few weeks ago, the European Council, supported by the European Parliament, agreed on an interim target to lower emissions.” Everything else, he suggested, is secondary. Popov envisioned a future in which China leads in innovation while Europe becomes a key assembly hub, supported by Chinese firms and factories.

Alicja Bachulska, Policy Fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, warned that if the EU continues to approach China as it currently does, “we’ll end up an assembly line for Chinese products.” Focusing on Eastern Europe – and Poland in particular – she noted that expectations of creating a level playing field with China have not materialised. “China has been very reluctant to treat partners as equals,” she explained. Bachulska also criticised European complacency, pointing out that China’s five-year plans and official strategies have long been publicly available, yet “Europeans have failed to read or acknowledge these documents,” leading to “a lot of wishful thinking.” Europe, she concluded, must “diversify our partnerships” and “develop technologies that bypass China.”

Vuk Vuksanović, Senior Researcher at the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, offered a broader geopolitical perspective. In order to challenge the EU, he argued, China concluded that it needed to “make a footprint in the Balkans.” According to Vuksanović, this strategy provides Beijing with three key advantages: access to natural resources, access to the EU market, and relationships with corrupt local officials. He also pointed to a new wave of Serbian environmentalism following the Novi Sad canopy tragedy – “one of the rare issues that united both the political left and the political right.” Finally, Vuksanović warned that Chinese and Russian influence in Serbia will not disappear even if President Vučić leaves power.

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In a period of deep uncertainty, young people across Serbia and the wider Western Balkans have become some of the most visible voices of protest, civic engagement, and public reflection. Generation Z – the first fully digital generation – is redefining the meaning of freedom while navigating a global environment marked by injustice, institutional mistrust, and rapid political transformation. They respond to these pressures with empathy, emotional intelligence, and a pronounced sense of social responsibility.

The session was held in a fishbowl format, an interactive setup where five speakers sit in a circle along with one empty chair that any participant may briefly occupy to join the discussion.

The panel opened with the moderator Gjergj Loka asking each speaker to reflect on what freedom means to them. Kalina Dukovska offered a striking definition, describing freedom as a collective capacity to (not) fight something — emphasizing that no one is free until everyone is. Daniela Premuda added that freedom is not merely the absence of war or constraints, but a continuous struggle for equality of rights and opportunities.

The conversation quickly grew more animated as the speakers discussed what they see as the greatest threats to freedom today. Sabina Sali argued that deeply rooted nationalism and corruption are the most serious dangers, while Arlind Hamza agreed and added that distrust in politics – and between people both nationally and regionally – further undermines freedom. He cited the discouragement felt by many young people who, after witnessing the setbacks of student protests in Serbia, choose not to engage. His comment shifted the discussion toward the question of what constitutes “success” in the student movement. Participants agreed that there are tangible effects such as shifts in public opinion and the broader societal impact of youth mobilisation.

The conversation then turned to youth engagement: how and why young people should participate in public life. Nikola Mirković stressed that activism is indispensable because meaningful change cannot occur without action. He underlined the importance of doing rather than merely discussing, encouraging young people to “get your hands dirty.” This prompted several questions from the audience about whether it should really fall to this generation to tackle deeply rooted social and political problems. Opinions differed, with some arguing that responsibility naturally shifts to those who recognise that no one else will address these challenges. Sabina noted that the region has long relied on others to solve its problems – a mindset that must change.

In their closing remarks, all panelists agreed that the Western Balkans urgently need change. Some offered concrete proposals – including reforming the education system to address many underlying problems, engaging the diaspora more effectively, and countering the rise of the far right and nationalism. They concluded by reminding the audience that change does not happen overnight – and that progress requires not only proactive effort but also the readiness to respond swiftly when challenges arise.

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The first parallel BSC session tackled the topic of “Russia: A Global Outcast or Still a Desirable Partner?” which was moderated by Wouter Zweers, Research Fellow, Clingendael’s EU and Global Affairs Unit. The panel focused on the Russian position in the world and its political system before February 2022 and how that position changed now with the aggression in Ukraine. 

Hanna Notte, Director for Eurasia, James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, stated that the conflict that Russia had with the West had occurred much earlier than February 2022. She emphasized that Russian foreign policy stayed continuous in the areas of the economy, with the military aspect being adaptive with buying weaponry from Iran. She pointed out that the political propaganda of Russia was still actively present in the states of the African continent and the Middle East. When discussing the Russian position in the Israeli-Palestinian war, Notte stated that it could be beneficial depending on how it plays out, keeping in mind the power that Russia contains in Syria, Lebanon, and Africa. She concluded that Russia gained favoritism in the Global South mainly because it is not “the West” and poses as the alternative to the USA. 

Roberta Raducu, Ph.D., assistant professor at SNSPA- National University of Political Studies and Public Administration, and communication expert with New Strategy Center, highlighted that Russia was an aggressive country where freedom is a good exchange for serving the interest of Russia. She stated that the vision the Western world had of the future was not perfect, but at least it was free compared to the one Russia proposes. She emphasized the importance of education for both politicians and the public in regards to understanding the world and getting the right information.  

Mikhail Korostikov, Independent Researcher, Carnegie Russia, and Eurasia Contributor: Former Head of Asia desk at Kommersant newspaper, pointed out the advantages Russia and China gained from their tight relations. He emphasized the economic contribution to both states, with Russia providing China with fuel and gas, and China providing Russia with technological products such as microchips. He emphasized that the China-Russia relations should not be criticised having in mind that Australia and South Korea both keep close economic relations with China, with its trade being increased by 33% in 2023.  

Helena Ivanov, Associate Research Fellow, Henry Jackson Society; External Fellow, Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, pointed out the influence Russia had on Serbian politics, as 53% of its population supported Russian politics, whether it was positive or not. She found the correlation of these statistics with aversion towards American politics from the 1999 NATO bombing to its politics towards the issue of Kosovo. When asked about the global position of BRICS, she emphasized that its influence could be greater in the upcoming years if the member states decided to leave their political and geopolitical differences aside.  

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